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ENADE Relações Internacionais is Brazil's official national capstone exam for graduating International Relations bachelor students administered by INEP/MEC. Spanning 4 hours with 46 items (15 Formação Geral MCQs + 30 specific MCQs + 1 discursive item), it evaluates IR theory (20%), Brazilian foreign policy (20%), international political economy (20%), public international law (15%), international security (15%), and international regimes (10%).

Sample ENADE Relações Internacionais Practice Questions

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1In 'Politics Among Nations' (1948), Hans Morgenthau presents the foundational principles of Classical Realism. According to Morgenthau, how should the fundamental concept of 'interest defined in terms of power' be understood in the analysis of foreign policy?

A.As an objective category which is universally valid across historical epochs, providing an analytical signpost that separates political reality from moralistic or legalistic wishful thinking in statecraft.

B.As a socially constructed and historically contingent norm shaped by domestic legal discourses, transnational epistemic networks, and evolving intersubjective understandings of state identity and prestige.

C.As an epiphenomenal manifestation of domestic constitutional arrangements that is progressively replaced by democratic parliamentary governance, open commercial trade, and international legal arbitration.

D.As a temporary ideological rationalization deployed by dominant capitalist states to legitimize colonial market expansion, enforce trade monopolies, and subordinate peripheral labor forces in global trade.

Explanation: Hans Morgenthau's second principle of political realism states that interest defined in terms of power is the central analytical concept providing order to political phenomena. It gives political realism its distinctive theoretical focus by separating the political realm from economics, ethics, and law. Morgenthau treats this standard as an objective category of analysis that allows observers to understand the rational choices of statesmen across historical epochs.

2In 'The Twenty Years' Crisis (1919-1939)', E. H. Carr developed a profound critique of the idealist thought that dominated the interwar period. What was Carr's central critique regarding the concept of the 'harmony of interests' (harmonia de interesses)?

A.The harmony of interests is an automatic economic reality that emerges naturally whenever tariffs are eliminated, capital flows freely, and international trade is fully deregulated across global markets.

B.The harmony of interests is an ideological rationalization deployed by dominant, satisfied status-quo powers to equate their particular national interests with the general welfare of the international community.

C.The harmony of interests is a proven sociological phenomenon wherein democratic public opinion consistently compels sovereign governments to renounce power politics, eliminate trade tariffs, and dismantle standing offensive armies across all civilized nations.

D.The harmony of interests represents an authentic ethical synthesis successfully codified in the League of Nations Covenant that failed only because of technical drafting errors by international jurists.

Explanation: E. H. Carr argued that the doctrine of the harmony of interests was an illusion created by status quo powers, such as Britain and the United States, to dress their own self-interested dominance in the language of universal morality. For Carr, there is an inherent clash between status quo (satisfied) powers and revisionist (dissatisfied) powers over the distribution of resources and influence.

3Kenneth Waltz's Neorealism, formulated in 'Theory of International Politics' (1979), proposes a systemic explanation of state behavior. According to Waltz, what three components define the structure of the international political system?

A.The moral qualities of state leadership, the level of industrial modernization across regions, and the presence of democratic parliamentary bodies within domestic regimes.

B.The density of transnational nongovernmental advocacy networks, the velocity of global financial flows, and the degree of cultural hybridization across interconnected societies.

C.The ordering principle (anarchy vs. hierarchy), the functional differentiation of units (undifferentiated under anarchy), and the distribution of capabilities across units.

D.The binding authority of international judicial bodies, the scope of collective security treaties, and the density of formal multilateral trade agreements across continents.

Explanation: Kenneth Waltz defines the political structure of the international system by three elements: its ordering principle (which is anarchic in the international system, unlike domestic hierarchy), the character of the units (which are functionally undifferentiated because all states must perform the same basic survival tasks in a self-help system), and the distribution of capabilities across units (which determines whether the system is multipolar, bipolar, or unipolar).

4In 'The Tragedy of Great Power Politics' (2001), John Mearsheimer presents Offensive Realism. What is Mearsheimer's core thesis regarding the ultimate security objective of great powers under international anarchy?

A.Great powers seek to maximize absolute economic welfare through open trade and voluntarily surrender offensive conventional weapons to regional security councils in order to foster commercial integration.

B.Great powers prioritize the establishment of binding international legal norms and delegate sovereign military decisions to supranational peacekeeping councils to maintain collective security guarantees.

C.Great powers are content with maintaining an exact defensive balance of power and systematically avoid expanding their relative power beyond defensive parity to prevent regional security spirals.

D.Great powers are relentless power maximizers who seek to maximize their share of world power and ultimately attain regional hegemony as the best guarantee of survival in an anarchic international system.

Explanation: John Mearsheimer's offensive realism asserts that because states can never be certain about other states' future intentions and because the system is anarchic, great powers are driven to maximize their relative power and seek hegemony in their own region. Unlike defensive realists who believe states seek only an appropriate amount of power to ensure survival, offensive realists argue that states pursue dominance to eliminate any possible challenger.

5In 'The Origins of Alliances' (1987), Stephen Walt reformulates neorealist balance of power theory into 'balance of threat' theory. According to Walt, which four factors determine whether a state is perceived as an imminent threat?

A.Aggregate power, geographic proximity, offensive capability, and aggressive perceived intentions.

B.Gross domestic product per capita, religious homogeneity, membership in the World Bank, and tariff levels.

C.Diplomatic prestige, historical membership in the League of Nations, language family, and colonial heritage.

D.Ideological convergence with the hegemon, ratification of human rights treaties, educational attainment, and literacy rates.

Explanation: Stephen Walt modified Waltzian balance of power theory by showing that states balance against perceived threats rather than power alone. The level of threat posed by a foreign state is a function of four variables: aggregate power (resources and population), geographic proximity (nearby powers are more threatening), offensive power (military assets capable of rapid projection), and perceived aggressive intentions.

6In the neo-neo debate between Neorealism and Neoliberal Institutionalism, Joseph Grieco highlighted a critical obstacle to international cooperation. What is the central difference between neoliberal and neorealist views on the payoffs of cooperation?

A.Neorealists argue that states cooperate exclusively to advance global environmental treaties, whereas neoliberals insist that military conquest is the only rational method to secure strategic energy access and raw industrial materials.

B.Neoliberals argue that states are absolute-gains maximizers focused on mutual benefits, whereas neorealists emphasize that states are positional actors concerned with relative gains and the risk of partners turning advantages into military leverage.

C.Neoliberals claim that international anarchy guarantees permanent peace without formal regimes, whereas neorealists claim that international legal courts have completely eliminated sovereign state autonomy across all geopolitical continents.

D.Neorealists maintain that domestic electoral cycles and parliamentary debates are the sole determinants of foreign policy, whereas neoliberals argue that multinational corporations have completely replaced sovereign national governments in multilateral diplomatic summits and treaties.

Explanation: Joseph Grieco ('Anarchy and the Limits of Cooperation', 1988) argued that neoliberal institutionalism underestimated the problem of relative gains. While neoliberals assume states focus on absolute gains (as long as a state benefits, it will cooperate), neorealists argue that under anarchy, states must constantly worry about who gains more from cooperation, because disproportionate gains can be translated into military power by a potential adversary.

7In 'After Hegemony' (1984), Robert Keohane examines how international cooperation can persist even after the relative decline of a dominant hegemonic power. According to Keohane's neoliberal institutionalism, how do international regimes facilitate cooperation among rational egoistic states?

A.By establishing a supranational world government equipped with a permanent international army capable of enforcing economic decrees and punishing non-compliant sovereign territories across the globe.

B.By transforming human nature from competitive egoism to universal altruism through educational and cultural programs coordinated by specialized agencies of the United Nations system.

C.By lowering transaction costs, reducing information asymmetry, mitigating cheating risks, and providing focal points and institutionalized mechanisms for monitoring compliance over time.

D.By instituting compulsory global trade cartels that allocate market shares, fix commodity export prices, and establish quantitative import limits for all participating sovereign member states.

Explanation: Robert Keohane uses microeconomic logic and game theory to explain that international regimes do not need a world government to function. Instead, regimes alter the information environment: they lower the transaction costs of negotiating agreements, reduce uncertainty by increasing transparency, establish standards of behavior that make defection costly (reputation costs), and facilitate the iterative play that makes mutual cooperation sustainable.

8In 'Power and Interdependence' (1977), Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye define the ideal type of 'complex interdependence' (interdependência complexa). Which of the following sets of characteristics defines this model in contrast to classical realism?

A.Exclusive reliance on bilateral diplomacy between heads of state, clear primacy of military force over economic affairs, and zero non-state actor participation in foreign policy formulation.

B.Strict bipolar ideological alignment, universal adherence to gold convertibility, and the subordination of all commercial treaties to regional military mutual defense pacts across alliances.

C.Universal disarmament of nuclear arsenals, mandatory dissolution of sovereign national borders, and the replacement of sovereign states by regional administrative tribunals and boards.

D.Multiple channels of contact connecting societies, an absence of a clear hierarchy among issue areas, and a minor role for military force in interstate relations under interdependence.

Explanation: Keohane and Nye identify three core characteristics of complex interdependence: (1) multiple channels connecting societies (interstate, transgovernmental, and transnational relations); (2) the absence of a fixed hierarchy among issues (security does not automatically dominate the agenda; economic, environmental, and human issues become prominent); and (3) military force is not used by governments against other governments in the region on issues when complex interdependence prevails.

9Stephen Krasner's widely accepted consensus definition in 'International Regimes' (1982) conceives international regimes as social institutions around which actor expectations converge. According to Krasner, which four elements comprise an international regime?

A.Principles (beliefs of fact and rectitude), norms (standards of behavior), rules (specific prescriptions), and decision-making procedures (prevailing practices) in given issue-areas.

B.Executive decrees, constitutional court interpretations, parliamentary standing orders, and municipal zoning regulations established within domestic administrative law across states.

C.Bilateral military alliances, covert intelligence sharing agreements, economic sanction lists, and fortified national border checkpoints designed for territorial military defense.

D.Customary religious dogmas, dynastic marriage treaties, feudal tribute obligations, and hereditary diplomatic immunity charters recognized by ecclesiastical authorities in history.

Explanation: Stephen Krasner defines international regimes as sets of implicit or explicit principles (beliefs of fact, causation, and rectitude), norms (standards of behavior defined in terms of rights and obligations), rules (specific prescriptions or proscriptions for action), and decision-making procedures (prevailing practices for making and implementing collective choice) around which actor expectations converge in a given area of international relations.

10In his seminal article 'Anarchy is what States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics' (1992), Alexander Wendt presents the core ontological challenge of Social Constructivism to Neorealism. What is Wendt's central thesis regarding anarchy?

A.Anarchy is a fixed material constraint that deterministically forces all sovereign units to adopt offensive military postures, balance-of-power alignments, and self-help strategies prior to any diplomatic interaction with other foreign states.

B.Anarchy does not have an inherent, predetermined structural logic; self-help and power politics are socially constructed institutions that emerge from interactive processes and shared meanings.

C.Anarchy has ceased to exist since the creation of the United Nations General Assembly in 1945, which instituted a hierarchical system of global governance and international administration.

D.Anarchy is an econometric modeling artifact produced by quantitative researchers analyzing international trade statistics without qualitative historical context or diplomatic nuance.

Explanation: Alexander Wendt argues that self-help and power politics are not necessary consequences of anarchy. Anarchy is an empty vessel; what matters is the culture of anarchy and the intersubjective understandings that develop through social interaction. If states construct relations based on enmity, self-help arises; if they construct relations based on friendship or mutual recognition, cooperative security systems emerge.

About the ENADE Relações Internacionais Exam

The Exame Nacional de Desempenho dos Estudantes (ENADE) for International Relations (Bacharelado em Relações Internacionais) is Brazil's premier national undergraduate capstone evaluation administered by INEP under the Ministry of Education (MEC), established by Federal Law nº 10.861/2004 (SINAES). The assessment evaluates graduating seniors under the CINE Brasil cycle category 'Ciências sociais, jornalismo e informação'. The official exam comprises 46 questions: 15 General Training (Formação Geral) MCQs, 30 Specific Component (Componente Específico) MCQs, and 1 specialized discursive problem administered in a single 4-hour session. Topics span Theories of International Relations (Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism, Critical/Dependency Theory, English School), Brazilian Foreign Policy (PEB from Rio Branco to contemporary multilateralism), International Political Economy (Bretton Woods, WTO, regional integration, global finance), Public International Law & Human Rights (treaty law, UN Charter, ICJ, Inter-American System), International Security & Strategic Studies (nuclear regimes, conflict resolution, peace operations), and International Organizations & Global Regimes (multilateral institutions, climate governance). ENADE is administered in Portuguese only. This 100-question bank is an English-language MCQ study adaptation designed for comprehensive academic prep, not an official translation and not a simulation of the discursive component.

Assessment

4-hour national examination featuring 15 Formação Geral MCQs, 30 specific international relations MCQs, and 1 specific discursive problem covering IR theories, Brazilian foreign policy, international political economy, public international law, international security, and multilateral regimes.

Time Limit

4 hours

Passing Score

Conceito Enade (1 to 5)

Exam Fee

Free (Gratuito) (INEP — Ministério da Educação (MEC))

ENADE Relações Internacionais Exam Content Outline

20%

Teorias das Relações Internacionais

Examines foundational and contemporary theoretical paradigms in IR: Classical Realism (Morgenthau, Carr), Structural Realism / Neorealism (Waltz, Mearsheimer: anarchy, polarity, balance of power, offensive vs. defensive realism); Neoliberal Institutionalism (Keohane, Nye: complex interdependence, regimes, transaction costs); Social Constructivism (Wendt, Ruggie, Kratochwil: social construction of anarchy, identities, norms, and intersubjectivity); The English School (Bull, Wight, Vincent: international society vs. international system, pluralism vs. solidarism); and Critical, Marxist, and Dependency Theories (Cox, Wallerstein, Prebisch, Cardoso & Faletto).

20%

Política Externa Brasileira (PEB)

Covers the historical evolution and contemporary strategies of Brazilian foreign policy: the formative paradigm of Barão do Rio Branco (border consolidation, alignment with the US); the Vargas era and pragmatic equidistance; the Independent Foreign Policy (PEI) of Jânio Quadros and San Tiago Dantas (universalism, anti-colonialism); the military regime's foreign policy paradigms (Castelo Branco's ideological alignment, Geisel's Responsible Ecumenism); democratic transition and post-Cold War foreign policy (autonomy through integration vs. autonomy through participation); Mercosul founding and evolution; South-South cooperation, IBSA, and BRICS; and multilateral environmental and trade diplomacy.

20%

Economia Política Internacional (EPI)

Focuses on the interplay between international politics and economics: the Bretton Woods system (IMF, World Bank, GATT/WTO) and its evolution from the gold-dollar standard to floating exchange rates; trade policy, tariff and non-tariff barriers, most-favored-nation and national treatment principles; global value chains and transnational corporations; the Washington Consensus and structural adjustment; international monetary instability and financial crises (1997 Asian crisis, 2008 global financial crisis); and emerging debates on deglobalization, geoeconomics, trade disputes, and the international role of the US dollar.

15%

Direito Internacional Público e Direitos Humanos

Analyzes public international legal principles: sources of international law under Article 38 of the ICJ Statute (treaties, customary law, general principles, jurisprudence, doctrine, and jus cogens); the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (ratification, reservations, pacta sunt servanda, rebus sic stantibus); subjects of international law (states, IOs, individuals); state sovereignty, jurisdiction, and immunities; peaceful settlement of disputes and the International Court of Justice (ICJ); international human rights law, the Universal Declaration, and the Inter-American System (IACHR and IACtHR); and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC).

15%

Segurança Internacional e Resolução de Conflitos

Covers traditional and non-traditional security dynamics: deterrence theory, collective security vs. balance of power; arms control and nuclear non-proliferation regimes (NPT, CTBT, Treaty of Tlatelolco); UN peacekeeping operations (PKO generations: traditional, multidimensional, peacebuilding); regional security complexes (Buzan); contemporary security challenges (terrorism, transnational organized crime, cybersecurity, climate security); and doctrine and civil-military relations in South American defense.

10%

Organizações e Regimes Internacionais

Investigates global governance architectures: structure and decision-making bodies of the United Nations (General Assembly, Security Council, ECOSOC, Secretariat); debates on UN Security Council reform (G4 proposals); regional organizations (OAS, African Union, ASEAN, European Union institutional architecture); multilateral environmental governance (UNFCCC, Kyoto Protocol, Paris Agreement); and global health and migration regimes (WHO, IOM, UNHCR).

How to Pass the ENADE Relações Internacionais Exam

What You Need to Know

Passing score: Conceito Enade (1 to 5)
Assessment: 4-hour national examination featuring 15 Formação Geral MCQs, 30 specific international relations MCQs, and 1 specific discursive problem covering IR theories, Brazilian foreign policy, international political economy, public international law, international security, and multilateral regimes.
Time limit: 4 hours
Exam fee: Free (Gratuito)

Keys to Passing

Work through all 100 available questions
Review every answer and explanation
Track weak areas and revisit them
Use our AI tutor for tough concepts

ENADE Relações Internacionais Study Tips from Top Performers

1Distinguish IR Theoretical Paradigms: Contrast the assumptions of Structural Realism (anarchy, self-help, relative gains), Neoliberal Institutionalism (regimes, absolute gains), Social Constructivism (intersubjective norms), and Dependency Theory.

2Review Key Brazilian Foreign Policy Eras: Understand the principles of Rio Branco's diplomacy, the Independent Foreign Policy (PEI), Responsible Ecumenism, and 21st-century South-South and BRICS coalitions.

3Master International Law Foundations: Focus on ICJ Statute Article 38 sources, Vienna Convention treaty mechanisms, jus cogens norms, and the Inter-American Human Rights System.

4Understand International Political Economy Regimes: Study the Bretton Woods institutions, WTO non-discrimination principles (MFN and National Treatment), and the causes of international financial crises.

Frequently Asked Questions

What is the official structure and duration of ENADE Relações Internacionais for the 2026 cycle?

The official 2026 bachelor examination is administered in a single 4-hour session consisting of 46 questions: 15 General Training (Formação Geral) multiple-choice items, 30 Specific Component (Componente Específico) multiple-choice items, and 1 specific discursive problem requiring applied foreign policy or international law analysis.

Is participation in ENADE Relações Internacionais mandatory for degree conferral?

Yes. Pursuant to Brazilian Federal Law nº 10.861/2004 (SINAES), ENADE is a mandatory curricular component for all registered graduating seniors (concluintes). Maintaining regular standing with INEP is legally required to graduate and receive an accredited university diploma.

How are results reported for ENADE Relações Internacionais?

Individual student results are aggregated into institutional Conceito Enade scores on a standardized 1 to 5 scale, published by INEP/MEC to assess undergraduate program quality across Brazilian universities.

How does this practice bank adapt the official ENADE Relações Internacionais exam?

This practice bank adapts the official INEP assessment syllabus into 100 rigorous English-language multiple-choice questions, covering major IR theories, Brazilian diplomatic history, international political economy, public international law, security dynamics, and global governance.

100+ Free ENADE Relações Internacionais Practice Questions

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